'Oh, Well, You Know How Women Are!' — Themes and Context

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Cobb, Irvin S. (Irvin Shrewsbury), 1876-1944, Rinehart, Mary Roberts, 1876-1958 Project Gutenberg 2008 Not confirmed
Sex differences -- Humor; Women -- Humor; Men -- Humor Readers of public-domain and historical texts
Project Gutenberg digital edition en

Edition facts

Words 15,204
Reading time 67 min
Text sections 2

This digital edition of 'Oh, Well, You Know How Women Are!' — Themes and Context is described by source-level measurements including 15,204 words, 1 hr 7 min estimated reading time, and 2 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 19.6 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Sex differences -- Humor,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

A dual-perspective humor book from 1920 pairing Irvin S. Cobb's essay on women's shopping and social habits with Mary Roberts Rinehart's rejoinder on men's foibles, using exaggerated stereotypes and mock-serious analysis.
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Editorial Edition Score 4.4/5

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  • Title & short description10 pts
  • Source metadata20 pts
  • Text length15 pts
  • Chapters / structure15 pts
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Having had her say with her dear friend or her dear enemy, as the case may be, our heroine proceeds to the corner and hails a passing street car. Because her heels are so high and her skirts are so snug, she takes about twice the time to climb aboard that a biped in trousers would take. Into the car she comes, teetering and swaying. The car is no more than comfortably filled. True, all the seats at the back where she has entered are occupied; but up at the front there still is room for another sittee or two. Does she look about her to ascertain whether there is any space left? I need not pause for reply. I know it already, and so do you. Midway of the aisle-length she stops and reaches for a strap. She makes an appealing picture, compounded of blindness, helplessness, and discomfort. She has clinging vine written all over her. She craves to cling, but there is no trellis. So she swings from her strap.

The passengers nearest her are all men. She stares at them, accusingly. One of them bends forward to touch her and tell her that there is room for her up forward; but now there aren't any seats left. Male passengers, swinging aboard behind her, have already scrouged on by her and taken the vacant places.

In the mind of one of the men in her immediate vicinity chivalry triumphs over impatience. He gives a shrug of petulance, arises and begs her to have his seat. She is not entitled to it on any ground, save compassion upon his part. By refusing to use the eyes in her head she has forfeited all right to special consideration. But he surrenders his place to her and she takes it.

The car bumps along. The conductor, making his rounds, reaches her. She knows he is coming; at least she should know it. A visit from the conductor has been a feature of every one of the thousands of street-car rides that she has taken in her life. She might have been getting her fare ready for him. There are a dozen handy spots where she might have had a receptacle built for carrying small change--in a pocket in her skirt, in a fob at her belt, in her sleeve or under her cuff. Counting fob pockets and change pockets, a man has from nine to fifteen pockets in his everyday garments. If also he is wearing an overcoat, add at least three more pockets to the total. It would seem that she might have had at least one dependable pocket. But she has none.

The conductor stops, facing her, and meanwhile wearing on his face that air of pained resignation which is common to the faces of conductors on transportation lines that are heavily patronized by women travelers. In mute demand he extends toward her a soiled palm. With hands encased in oversight gloves she fumbles at the catch of a hand bag. Having wrested the hand bag open, she paws about among its myriad and mysterious contents. A card of buttons, a sheaf of samples, a handkerchief, a powder puff for inducing low visibility of the human nose, a small parcel of something, a nail file, and other minor articles are disclosed before she disinters her purse from the bottom of her hand bag. Another struggle with the clasp of the purse ensues; finally, one by one, five coppers are fished up out of the depths and presented to the conductor. The lady has made a difficult, complicated rite of what might have been a simple and a swift formality.

The car proceeds upon its course. She sits in her seat, wearing that look of comfortable self-absorption which a woman invariably wears when she is among strangers, and when she feels herself to be well dressed and making a satisfactory public appearance. She comes out of her trance with a start on discovering that the car has passed her corner or is about to pass it. All flurried, she arises and signals the conductor that she is alighting here. From her air and her expression, we may gather that, mentally, she holds him responsible for the fact that she has been carried on beyond her proper destination.

The book opens with Irvin S. Cobb's essay 'Oh, Well, You Know How Women Are!' which immediately establishes a mock-anthropological tone. The first excerpt describes a woman emerging from a shop and stopping to talk with an acquaintance, blocking traffic. Cobb's narrator claims women's cordiality is inversely proportional to their dislike, and that they 'take root' in doorways, causing confusion. This sets up a pattern of humorous generalization based on observed behavior, with the narrator professing ignorance of deeper causes.

A Shop Doorway as a Stage

The opening scene is carefully staged: 'She emerges from the shop. She is any woman, and the shop from which she emerges is any shop in any town.' This universalizing move is typical of the essay's method. Cobb contrasts women's behavior with what men would do—'Two men meeting under the same condition would mechanically draw away a few paces'—and then escalates the scenario to absurd extremes: a fire escape, the Pearly Gates. The humor relies on the reader's recognition of the type, not on individual character. The narrator's voice is confiding and slightly exasperated, as if sharing a private observation.

Cats, Dogs, and the Male Trades Union

In the middle excerpt, Mary Roberts Rinehart takes over with 'Isn't That Just Like a Man!' She inverts the cat-dog comparison: women are like dogs—'They love like dogs, a little insistently'—while men are like cats, with their 'love for old, familiar things.' She introduces a man with many bedroom slippers who wears only the old red knitted ones. The section builds to a claim about male solidarity: 'They stand together against the rest of the world. Women do not.' This is framed as a 'trades union' and 'mutual benefit society' with its own Golden Rule. The tone is playful but pointed, using analogy to argue for fundamental differences.

The Rhetoric of Exaggerated Observation

Both authors employ a similar rhetorical strategy: they present a specific, often trivial behavior, then inflate it into a universal law. Cobb's narrator cannot explain why women block doorways—'It is not given for us to know'—while Rinehart traces male loyalty to 'a survival from the days when men united for defense.' The humor depends on the gap between the mundane example and the grand explanation. Readers should note how each author uses hypotheticals ('if the meeting took place...') and direct address ('you know what I mean') to create intimacy. The essays are structured as a series of such observations, linked by a mock-serious thesis.

Paired Perspectives and Structural Echoes

The book is a diptych: two essays, each about 7,600 words, responding to each other. Cobb's essay appears first, then Rinehart's. The excerpts show that Rinehart directly engages Cobb's claims—for instance, she corrects his cat-dog analogy: 'Really, the only resemblance between men and dogs is that they both rather run to feet in early life.' This back-and-forth creates a dialogue, though the reader only hears one voice at a time. The structure invites comparison: both authors use the same template of humorous generalization, but with different targets. The book's title, with its ironic quotation marks, signals that these are performances of stereotype, not earnest sociology.

Reading these excerpts sequentially reveals how the two essays mirror and mock each other. Pay attention to the recurring motifs—shopping, clothing, social rituals—and how each author reinterprets them. The humor is period-specific but the rhetorical moves are durable. The book rewards a reading that treats each essay as a crafted monologue, not a transparent argument.

That old 1920s book made me chuckle at how little we change, but it also left a quiet ache—all that posturing as armor. I keep thinking about how exhaustion hides behind our routines. There’s a gentler companion to that feeling in Fat and Blood An Essay on the Treatment of Certain Forms of Neurasthenia and Hysteria — Edition Insights, which treats our frailty as something worth tending, not mocking. It lingered like a hand on a shoulder.

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