Freaks of Fanaticism, and Other Strange Events — Context and Discussion
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garetta was far ahead of her father, brother and sisters in intellectual culture, and in moral force of character. Susanna, the second daughter of John Peter, was an amiable, industrious, young woman, without independence of character. The third daughter, Elizabeth, was a quiet girl, rather dull in brain; Barbara was married when Margaretta was only nine, and Magdalena not long after; neither of them, however, escaped the influence of their youngest sister, who dominated over their wills almost as completely as she did over those of her two unmarried sisters, with whom she consorted daily.
How great her power over her sisters was may be judged from what they declared in after years in prison, and from what they endured for her sake.
Barbara, the eldest, professed to the prison chaplain in Zürich, in 1823, "I am satisfied that God worked in mighty power, and in grace through Margaret, up to the hour of her death." The father himself declared after the ruin of his family and the death of two of his daughters, "I am assured that my youngest daughter was set apart by God for some extraordinary purpose."
When Margaret was six, she was able to read her Bible, and would summon the family about her to listen to her lectures out of the sacred volume. She would also at the same time pray with great ardour, and exhort her father and sisters to lead God-fearing lives. When she read the narrative of the Passion, she was unable to refrain from tears; her emotion communicated itself to all assembled round her, and the whole family sobbed and prayed aloud. She was a veritable "ministering child" to her household in all things spiritual. As she had been born at Christmas, it was thought that this very fact indicated some special privilege and grace accorded to her. In 1811, when aged seventeen, she received her first communion and edified all the church with the unction and exaltation of soul with which she presented herself at the table. In after years the pastor of Trüllikon said of her, "Unquestionably Margaretta was the cleverest of the family. She often came to thank me for the instructions I had given her in spiritual things. Her promises to observe all I had taught her were most fervent. I had the best hopes for her, although I observed somewhat of extravagance in her. Margaretta speedily obtained an absolute supremacy in her father's house. All must do what she ordered. Her will expressed by word of mouth, or by letter when absent, was obeyed as the will of God."
In personal appearance Margaretta was engaging. She was finely moulded, had a well-proportioned body, a long neck on which her head was held very upright; large, grey-blue eyes, fair hair, a lofty, well-arched brow. The nose was well-shaped, but the chin and mouth were somewhat coarse.
In 1816, her mother's brother, a small farmer at Rudolfingen, invited her to come and manage his house for him. She went, and was of the utmost assistance. Everything prospered under her hand. Her uncle thought that she had brought the blessing of the Almighty on both his house and his land.
Whilst at Rudolfingen, the holy maiden was brought in contact with the Pietists of Schaffhausen. She attended their prayer-meetings and expositions of Scripture. This deepened her religious convictions, and produced a depression in her manner that struck her sisters when she visited them. In answer to their inquiries why she was reserved and melancholy, she replied that God was revealing Himself to her more and more every day, so that she became daily more conscious of her own sinfulness. If this had really been the case it would have saved her from what ensued, but this sense of her own sinfulness was a mere phrase, that meant actually an overweening self-consciousness. She endured only about a twelve month of the pietistic exercises at Schaffhausen, and then felt a call to preach, testify and prophesy herself, instead of sitting at the feet of others. Accordingly, she threw up her place with her uncle, and returned to Wildisbuch, in March, 1817, when she began operations as a revivalist.
Baring-Gould opens with a Swiss Passion Play that turned into a public frenzy, noting how the performers became so absorbed in their roles that spectators joined the crucifixion scene. This episode sets the pattern for the collection: a small, localized event spiraling into collective delusion. The author repeatedly draws attention to the physical settings—a valley hamlet, a draper's house, a cathedral square—as stages where fanaticism takes root.
The preface frames the book as a study of mysticism, which Baring-Gould calls "man's noblest element when rightly directed and balanced." Yet the narratives that follow show it almost always unregulated, tipping into mischief or catastrophe. The structure moves from religious to political to racial fanaticism, each story anchored in specific historical documents and eyewitness accounts.
From Passion Play to Poisoned Parsnips
The first article, "A Swiss Passion Play," describes how a small hamlet's Easter performance escalated into a week-long trance state among participants. Baring-Gould emphasizes the physical contagion: the actors could not stop weeping, the audience pressed into the acting space, and the local authorities had to intervene. The author's method is to let the absurdity speak for itself—he reports that one man, playing Christ, actually believed he was dying on the cross.
Later, "The Poisoned Parsnips" shifts to political paranoia. A rumor that enemies had poisoned a crop of parsnips leads to mass hysteria and false accusations. Baring-Gould notes the readiness with which people accept such stories "without examination," a phrase he repeats from the preface. The two articles, though separated by subject, share a structural pattern: a small trigger, rapid spread, and a climax of irrational collective action.
The Rhetoric of the Preacher and the Mob
In the account of the Anabaptists of Münster, Baring-Gould focuses on the speeches of Bernhard Knipperdolling and Bernard Rottmann. He quotes Knipperdolling's vow to "terribly revenge his incarceration" and Rottmann's preaching against Confession as "the disturber of consciences." The author shows how these men used specific rhetorical tactics: Knipperdolling gathered malcontents in a tavern, while Rottmann slowly revealed his Lutheran leanings after being funded to study at Cologne—only to go to Wittenberg instead.
Baring-Gould traces the movement of these figures through the city: from the church of St. Maurice to the marketplace, from private houses to the bishop's palace. The geography of Münster becomes a map of escalating influence. The author notes that Rottmann's voice as a boy chorister "had attracted notice," and that same voice later drew crowds to hear his attacks on the clergy. The progression from sweet singer to incendiary preacher is a recurring motif in the collection.
Mysticism as a Double-Edged Faculty
Baring-Gould's preface describes mysticism as a "spiritual element" that can be regulated but, unregulated, becomes "mischievous." The articles repeatedly illustrate this duality. In "A Northern Raphael," a painter's religious fervor leads him to forge a miraculous image; in "The Patarines of Milan," a reform movement turns violent. The author does not condemn mysticism outright but shows its structural vulnerability to exploitation by charismatic leaders.
He also notes the recurring image of the crowd: in Wildisbuch, the audience joins the Passion Play; in Münster, the people force the bishop to release Knipperdolling; in Damascus, a mob murders Father Thomas. Baring-Gould's prose is clinical, almost detached, but the cumulative effect is a portrait of human nature's susceptibility to collective emotion. He rarely moralizes, preferring to let the documented events speak.
The Movement Between Scenes
The book's structure is geographical as well as thematic. Baring-Gould moves from Switzerland to Germany, from Italy to Syria, tracing fanaticism across cultures. Each article begins with a specific location—"About eight miles from Schaffhausen," "In Münster lived a draper"—and then zooms in on a single event. The transitions are abrupt, but the effect is cumulative: the reader sees the same patterns emerging in different settings.
Within each article, Baring-Gould uses movement as a narrative device. Characters travel from one city to another, from prison to pulpit, from obscurity to notoriety. The author tracks these journeys meticulously, often noting the distances and routes. This attention to physical movement reinforces the idea that fanaticism is not static but contagious, spreading through travel, trade, and rumor. The book itself becomes a kind of travelogue of delusion.
Readers approaching this collection should attend to Baring-Gould's method: he presents each case as a historian, not a moralist, and the power of the book lies in the accumulation of detail. The preface warns that mysticism can be "mischievous" when unregulated, but the articles themselves resist easy judgment. Pay attention to the settings—the tavern, the church, the marketplace—and the voices of the preachers and the crowds. The book is less about the truth of these events than about how they were perceived and remembered.
I finished that Baring-Gould book and felt unsettled for days, how belief can curdle into something terrible. It made me think of calmer days, wandering open fields instead. There’s a gentler kind of passion in Ladies in the Field: Sketches of Sport — Key Ideas to Explore, a quiet attention to the world that felt like a balm afterwards.
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