Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia. — Edition Insights
Edition facts
The source record for Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia. — Edition Insights measures this digital text at 90,686 words, 6 hr 35 min estimated reading time, and 13 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 20.6 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Church and state -- Early works to 1800,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.
How this score is calculated
- Description quality20 pts
- Title & short description10 pts
- Source metadata20 pts
- Text length15 pts
- Chapters / structure15 pts
- EPUB file integrity20 pts
Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.
Read the Text
ome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and galleys--the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of 1000 years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII.; and that great aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so practical, who combined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the self-devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the uniformity and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii. And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than Venice with Italian and contemporary Florence--stability with fitfulness, independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capricious, turbulent, the city of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round her--Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial; waging her little summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her own exiles; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians--Florence in its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And the course of its history is similar and the result of similar causes--a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had its Peisistratidæ more successful than those of Athens; it had, too, its Harmodius and Aristogeiton; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it became content with the remembrance of its former glory, with being the fashionable and acknowledged seat of refinement and taste, with being a favoured dependency on the modern heir of the Cæsars. But if to Venice belongs a grander public history, Florentine names and works, like Athenian, will be living among men, when the Brenta shall have been left unchecked to turn the Lagunes into ploughland, and when Rome herself may no longer be the seat of the Popes.
The year of Dante's birth was a memorable one in the annals of Florence, of Italy, and of Christendom.[2] The year 1265 was the year of that great victory of Benevento, where Charles of Anjou overthrew Manfred of Naples, and destroyed at one blow the power of the house of Swabia. From that time till the time of Charles V., the emperors had no footing in Italy. Further, that victory set up the French influence in Italy, which, transient in itself, produced such strange and momentous consequences, by the intimate connexion to which it led between the French kings and the Popes. The protection of France was dearly bought by the captivity of Avignon, the great western schism, and the consequent secularisation of the Papacy, which lasted on uninterrupted till the Council of Trent. Nearly three centuries of degradation and scandal, unrelieved by one heroic effort among the successors of Gregory VII., connected the Reformation with the triumph of Charles and the Pope at Benevento. Finally, by it the Guelf party was restored for good in Florence; the Guelf democracy, which had been trampled down by the Uberti and Manfred's chivalry at Monteaperti, once more raised its head; and fortune, which had long wavered between the rival lilies, finally turned against the white one, till the name of Ghibelline became a proscribed one in Florence, as Jacobite was once in Scotland, or Papist in England, or Royalist in France.
[Footnote 2: May, 1265. (Pelli.) Benevento: Feb. 26, 1265/6. The Florentine year began March 25.]
R.W. Church’s essay on Dante, first published in the Christian Remembrancer in 1850, is paired here with F.J. Church’s translation of De Monarchia, a work the translator’s note dates to before Dante’s exile. The essay and treatise together reveal a tension between Dante’s scholastic argumentation and his later passionate, personal writings. Church notes that De Monarchia is “formal, general, and scholastic, sanguine in tone,” contrasting sharply with the “passionate and despairing language” of Dante’s later works. This editorial note focuses on the specific rhetorical strategies and historical evidence Dante employs to justify Roman imperial authority, as seen in the translated excerpts.
Miracles as Political Proof
In De Monarchia, Dante argues for Roman imperial legitimacy by citing miracles from Roman history, a method that blends theology with historiography. He references Livy and Lucan to claim that a shield fell from heaven during Numa’s sacrifice, a goose warned of a Gallic attack, and a hailstorm halted Hannibal’s advance. These events, Dante asserts, show that “God stretched forth His hand to work miracles on behalf of the Roman Empire.” The argument relies on a chain of classical authorities—Livy, Lucan, and Virgil—to support a providential view of Rome’s rise. Notably, Dante treats these miracles as evidence not of divine favor for a particular regime but of a universal order: “He who, when made visible, was to show forth miracles for the sake of things invisible, should, whilst invisible, also show forth miracles for the sake of things visible.” This reasoning ties earthly empire to cosmic justice, a theme that recurs in his poetry.
The Scholastic Definition of Right
Dante’s definition of Right in De Monarchia is a key example of his scholastic method. He writes: “Right is that proportion of man to man as to things, and as to persons, which, when it is preserved, preserves society, and when it is destroyed, destroys society.” This definition, drawn from the Digest but refined, emphasizes the social function of law: its end is the common good. Dante cites Cicero’s Rhetoric—“Laws must always be interpreted for the good of the state”—and Seneca’s “Law is the bond of human society.” The argument is abstract and systematic, contrasting with the vivid, personal judgments of the Commedia. Church’s essay likely explores how this rational framework supports Dante’s political ideal of a universal monarchy, but the excerpts here show only the logical scaffolding, not the emotional weight of exile or partisan conflict.
Contrasts in Tone and Time
The editorial notice by R.W. Church highlights a crucial contrast: De Monarchia was likely composed before Dante’s exile in 1301, during debates over Boniface VIII’s claims, while the Commedia was written later, marked by “passionate and despairing language of resentment and disappointment.” The treatise’s tone is “sanguine” and impersonal, with little personal allusion. In the translated excerpts, Dante’s voice is that of a scholastic philosopher, marshaling classical authorities and logical definitions. This stands in stark opposition to the autobiographical intensity of his later poetry. Church’s essay, written before the “abundant recent literature” on Dante, thus frames the treatise as a youthful, idealistic work. Readers approaching both texts together can observe how Dante’s political theory evolved from abstract optimism to a more embittered vision, though the excerpts alone do not reveal that later development.
Church’s essay and the translation of De Monarchia offer a focused entry into Dante’s political thought, but they are best read alongside the Commedia to see how the same author could shift from scholastic proof to poetic prophecy. The excerpts here show a writer deeply engaged with Roman history and legal philosophy, yet the absence of Dante’s later voice leaves the reader to infer the full arc of his intellectual journey. For those interested in medieval political theory, this volume provides a clear, if partial, window into one of its most ambitious arguments.
Church’s Dante made me think how men anchor their visions in old certainties, finding in Rome’s miracles a quiet scaffold for order. Later, I found the same earnest hope in the address on General Taylor, a life measured by duty rather than fancy. Odd, how different ages borrow the same longing for steady things. The Life and Public Service of General Zachary Taylor: An Address — Key Ideas to Explore lingered with me as a gentle echo.
There are no reviews for this eBook.
What did you think of this book?
Answer a few questions and save a private reflection on this device.