No Compromise with Slavery An Address Delivered to the Broadway Tabernacle, New York — Reading Notes
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+-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+
No Compromise with Slavery.
AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN THE BROADWAY TABERNACLE, NEW YORK, FEBRUARY 14, 1854, BY WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
NEW YORK: AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 142 NASSAU STREET, 1854.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: An earnest espousal of the Anti-Slavery cause for a quarter of a century, under circumstances which have served in a special manner to identify my name and labours with it, will shield me from the charge of egotism, in assuming to be its exponent--at least for myself--on this occasion. All that I can compress within the limits of a single lecture, by way of its elucidation, it shall be my aim to accomplish. I will make a clean breast of it. You shall know all that is in my heart pertaining to Slavery, its supporters, and apologists.
Of necessity, as well as of choice, I am a "Garrisonian" Abolitionist--the most unpopular appellation that any man can have applied to him, in the present state of public sentiment; yet, I am more than confident, destined ultimately to be honourably regarded by the wise and good. For though I have never assumed to be a leader--have never sought conspicuity of position, or notoriety of name--have desired to follow, if others, better qualified, would go before, and to be lost sight of in the throng of Liberty's adherents, as a drop is merged in the ocean; yet, as the appellation alluded to is applied, not with any reference to myself invidiously, but to excite prejudice against the noblest movement of the age, in order that the most frightful system of oppression ever devised by human ingenuity and wickedness may be left to grow and expand to the latest generation--I accept it as the synonym of absolute trust in God, and utter disregard of "that fear of man which bringeth a snare"--and so deem it alike honourable and praiseworthy.
Representing, then, that phase of Abolitionism which is the most contemned--to the suppression of which, the means and forces of the Church and the State are most actively directed--I am here to defend it against all its assailants as the highest expediency, the soundest philosophy, the noblest patriotism, the broadest philanthropy, and the best religion extant. To denounce it as fanatical, disorganising, reckless of consequences, bitter and irreverent in spirit, infidel in heart, deaf alike to the suggestions of reason and the warnings of history, is to call good evil, and evil good; to put darkness for light, and light for darkness; to insist that Barabbas is better than Jesus; to cover with infamy the memories of patriarchs and prophets, apostles and martyrs; and to inaugurate Satan as the God of the universe. If, like the sun, it is not wholly spotless, still, like the sun, without it there is no light. If murky clouds obscure its brightness, still it shines in its strength. If, at a seems to wane to its final setting, it is only to reveal itself in the splendour of a new ascension, unquenchable, glorious, sublime.
Let me define my positions, and at the same time challenge any one to show wherein they are untenable.
Garrison opens by acknowledging his quarter-century of anti-slavery labor, framing his address as a full disclosure of his heart on slavery, its supporters, and apologists. He accepts the label 'Garrisonian Abolitionist' as a badge of honor, asserting it represents 'absolute trust in God' and disregard for 'that fear of man which bringeth a snare.' This personal declaration immediately establishes the uncompromising tone that defines the speech.
The address was delivered at Broadway Tabernacle, New York, on February 14, 1854, a venue and date that situate Garrison within the urban anti-slavery movement at a moment of escalating national tension over the Fugitive Slave Act and the Kansas-Nebraska bill.
Rhetorical Strategy: From Self-Defense to National Indictment
Garrison structures his argument by first defending his position against charges of fanaticism, then pivoting to attack both Southern threats and Northern complicity. He quotes Southern newspapers—the Charleston Courier, Colombia Telescope, Missouri Argus, and New Orleans True American—that openly advocate violence against abolitionists, including hanging, burning at the stake, and tongue-cutting. These quotations serve as evidence of the South's refusal to permit free discussion.
He then turns the accusation northward: 'Whatever may be the guilt of the South, the North is still more responsible for the existence, growth and extension of Slavery.' This reversal is a key structural move, shifting blame from the slaveholding region to the free states that have enabled the system through political, religious, and economic support.
Biblical and Moral Framing: Inverting Accusations of Infidelity
Garrison repeatedly invokes religious language to claim moral high ground. He calls abolitionism 'the best religion extant' and denounces its critics as calling 'good evil, and evil good.' He compares the defense of slavery to insisting 'Barabbas is better than Jesus' and inaugurating 'Satan as the God of the universe.'
This rhetorical inversion is central: the charge of infidelity often leveled at abolitionists is redirected at pro-slavery Christians. Garrison argues that the church and clergy have corrupted public sentiment by expounding the Bible in defense of slaveholding, making them complicit in what he calls 'the most frightful system of oppression ever devised by human ingenuity and wickedness.'
Statistical and Temporal Urgency: The Escalating Crisis
Garrison deploys precise numbers to convey the scale and acceleration of slavery: 'three millions and a half of slaves, increasing at the appalling rate of one hundred thousand a year, three hundred a day, and one every five minutes.' This statistical barrage creates a sense of imminent crisis, demanding immediate action rather than gradual reform.
He ties this growth to Northern responsibility, listing the consequences of inaction: 'the utter corruption of public sentiment, and general skepticism as to the rights of man—the inauguration of Mammon in the place of the living God—the loss of all self-respect, all manhood, all sense of shame, all regard for justice.' The catalog of ills builds a cumulative indictment of the entire nation.
Poetic Interlude and the Pilgrim Spirit
Mid-address, Garrison inserts a stanza from a poem—'Now, by our fathers' ashes! where's the spirit / Of the true-hearted and th' unshackled gone?'—to invoke the legacy of the Pilgrims and contrast it with contemporary cowardice. The lines ask whether 'Passion's wile or Party's lure can win us / To silence now.'
This poetic appeal serves as an emotional pivot, linking the abolitionist cause to the nation's founding ideals. By choosing Plymouth Rock as a symbolic reference point, Garrison challenges his Northern audience to live up to their heritage. The stanza also reinforces his earlier claim that the North has betrayed its own principles by allowing slavery to persist and expand.
Readers should attend to how Garrison weaves personal testimony, newspaper evidence, biblical allusion, statistics, and poetry into a single, escalating argument. The address is not a systematic treatise but a performative speech designed to provoke and persuade. Noting the progression from self-justification to national indictment reveals the rhetorical architecture of uncompromising abolitionism.
That Garrison address stayed with me for days, especially the way he turns from his own convictions to indict the whole country’s quiet bargain. It reminded me of something I found in A Book of Prefaces — Context and Discussion—how Mencken talks about writing as a form of moral nerve. Uncomfortable, but almost comforting, knowing others have sat with that same weight.
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